China's reservations are due not only to its principles but also to the uncertainty of intervention's effectiveness. History has many times proven that the kind of democracy grown in western culture cannot be transplanted into the soil of other cultures. Democracy imposed on Afghanistan and Iraq has resulted in bloodshed instead of efficient governance; the so-called insurgences encouraged by the U.S. in Egypt and Tunisia have overthrown their previous authoritarian regimes, but little evidence shows they can establish anything resembling western-style democracy. How can China be expected to help in something that does not result in the order and stability of the region?

The Iran nuclear issue is in many ways a geopolitical one since a weaponised Iran nuclear program will change the power balance in the Middle East. However, the international efforts led by the U.S. in dealing with the issue have also been dominated by America's antipathy about Iran's regime. The mixture of the nuclear and regime issues has greatly complicated the nuclear problem as the Iranian government's insecurity about its powers builds on its resistance against any diplomatic efforts for a solution of the nuclear problem.

China's reluctance to join in with the intervention efforts is also out of concern for the sanctions' lack of results. Sanctions' effectiveness depends on a belief that international actors are rational, and their behaviors are based on simple calculations of costs and benefits. In fact, the penalty is very hit-and-miss. This is especially the case for Middle Eastern countries like Iran, where its values deeply rooted on its complicated history, ,making it relatively immune to external threats, including international sanctions.

While it is one thing to stay away from the West's ideology oriented policy, it is quite another to adopt pragmatic policy toward the region. As one of the most important sources of oil supply, the Middle East is crucial not only for China's sustainable development but also for the global prosperity as well - especially as the world recovers from recent financial crises. Out of these considerations, China always puts regional peace and stability as its major objectives.

China has provided humanitarian assistance to various countries including Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya during and after the U.S.-led military actions; China has been a major contractor of infrastructure construction in Afghanistan and Iraq; China has played a major role in persuading Iran's compliance with international community regarding its nuclear issue and Sudan's cooperation with the United Nations. These pragmatic actions might be modest but very important for the well-being of the people in the region.

By now, China's increasing engagement with the Middle East has become irreversible trend. China's increasing interests, due responsibility and capability all necessitate it to play a more constructive role in the region. Meanwhile, China's increasing engagement is also in the interests of the U.S. and the world at large. The recent frustrations in dealing with various Middle East issues including the Iran nuclear program, the Israel-Palestine conflict, and Afghanistan's and Iraq's reconstruction have made the Americans realize that they should have cooperate more with newly emergent powers like China.

It is certainly too early to compare the China-U.S. relations in regards to the Middle East with U.S.-Britain relations in the 1970s, when Britain anxiously expected the U.S. to assume the role of managing the region. But enhanced cooperation between China and the U.S. will certainly benefit the region and the world.

It is necessary that for better cooperation, both sides should adjust their policies in a synchronized manner. Besides China's readiness for a bigger and constructive role, it will largely depend on whether the U.S. is prepared to accept Beijing as a true partner and to what extent the U.S. are ready to sway from its ideology-based regional policy.

The author is a columnist with China.org.cn For more information please visit http://m.by33321.com/opinion/jinliangxiang.htm.

Opinion articles reflect the views of their authors, not necessarily those of China.org.cn